The persecution of Engr. Rauf Aregbesola the AC gubernatorial candidate for Osun State in the April 2007 election is just one tactics with which they hope to evade the question of how they came about the cooked up votes with which they are raiding Osun at present and I hope the members of the new tribunal are taking good note of these absurd cases of manipulation.
Of ‘Forged’ Police Report and the Main Plot in Osun – By Peter Claver Oparah.
Somehow, in the wake of the high drama that followed last week’s arrest of the AC gubernatorial candidate for Osun State in the April 2007 election, Engr. Rauf Aregbesola, I got thinking about how this country has sank to a huge Animal Farm.
Somehow, certain questions crossed my mind about the so-called police report and why this heightened drama over it when that report has existed for two years. I make bold to ask when this issue of the falsity of the police report Aregbesola tendered in court started. I ask this question so as to help observers of the high-wire web of intrigues that has attended Aregbesola’s challenge of the badly manipulated Osun gubernatorial race started, to know the real issues surrounding the sudden adrenalin being pumped into whether the police report Aregbesola has been waving for over two years was false or correct.
I will go further to ask whether Oyinlola and the PDP never challenged this report at the manipulated Naron tribunal and at the Appeal Tribunal in Ibadan that they suddenly woke to the reality of questioning the authenticity just after the Appeal Tribunal has ordered a retrial of the case.
Did they refrain from attacking such document earlier because probably Naron whose fatal predilection to pervert justice in the Osun contest was very obvious as the case progressed, promised to take care of such document? What of the Appeal tribunal? Why did they refrain from attacking the document at that level? Did their suspicion merely arise because they were never favoured at the appeal tribunal? What raised their suspicion of the report at that level? Did the factors that spurred their suspicions emerge the moment Oyinlola and the PDP lost at the appeal tribunal?
Going further, I will want Nigerians to ask if there is an authentic police report on the Osun gubernatorial race. If yes, where is such report? Why have the police not made such report and its content open all these while? Sincerely, is it possible for the police to be objective in such issue as this? Is it difficult for the Nigerian police we know to have resorted to their usual tactics of stifling the evidence so as to earn their own share of the free bribe money flying all over Osun as Oyinlola becomes very desperate to keep what is certainly a stolen mandate by hook or crook?
Is the Nigerian Police we know averse to playing similar tricks when the price is right? What if they have disowned the report and covered whatever link they have so as to favour another PDP cabal, as we have been accustomed to in Nigeria for the last ten years? Is it true that the police opposed the so-called forger report at both the lower and higher tribunal merely on the fact that it was marked ‘secret’? If they did, how come that they never discovered that it was fake at that moment?
Stretched further, Nigerians would like to know the contents of this so-called forged security report. Are the contents factual or made-up? Are they completely made up or some are factual? Is the problem with the report basically because the police said it never emanated from them or that the contents does not reflect the actual picture of events that happened in Osun State on the day of the election? Is it possible that Oyinlola and the PDP suspected this report before but had kept mute all along because they have sufficiently compromised the election tribunal and believe that the report or its authenticity does not really matter?
If that was the case, what were the submissions they made to the Appeal Tribunal when the report came before it? Is it possible that they failed to contaminate the Appeal Tribunal and were jolted into reacting by the decision of the Appeal Tribunal? Again, let the police tell Nigerians whether it received a petition, signed officially by the AC requesting it to act on the so-called forged report. If it did, what was its reaction? Did they officially acknowledge receipt of the letter?
Why did the police lawyer not object to this document at the tribunals before Oyinlola was told to go to a new tribunal to prove the outlandish votes with which he stole Aregbesola’s victory? Why did they not expose the dubiety of the report at this stage? Did they know of The News publication of the so-called forged police report in its edition of April 10, 2008? What did the police do after this publication when they knew that it was a false report? Why did it take the referral of the case to a new tribunal for the suspicious adrenalin of the police to shoot up, pumped full by the rotten inducement of the PDP and Oyinlola?
Is the police aware of the letter written to it by the Action Congress in May 2009 requesting it to take action on some cases mentioned in the report? What did they do about it? Knowing it was a false report, what action did it take to prove the falsity at this time?
From the so-called forged police report, I want to raise some posers;·
Was one Gbenga Kayode killed right in front of the Area Command Headquarters in Ilesa on Election Day? Was there a report in same police station against one Makinwa Isaac as the killer of Kayode? What was the police action on this case?
Were a certain Waidi and Dokune Adeniji invited by the police and SSS to the Area Command’s office in Ife for killing one Samson Olanrewaju? Was Senator Omisore seen with firearms on Election Day and was he invited by the SSS as a result of this? What did the police and the SSS do on these cases?
Was one Adebiyi killed in Ikirun on the day of the election by thugs under the command of a senator? What did the police do about it?
Even if these cases were not as exactly contained in the report, are these victims and the many others mentioned in the report real or fictitious? If they are real, what have the police done about their killings?
There are many lucid cases of killings, arson and dread contained in the report, were they false or true and what has the same police that is taking a matter that has been determined by an appeal court to a magistrate court, in a clear travesty of rule of law, done about these cases?·
Is an issue or an incident genuine to the police only if it is made by the PDP?I raised these few questions from the contents of the police report because there were no specious facts contained therein. Some instances were made of people who were murdered and where polls were disrupted.
At best, it forms an ancillary proof of a large picture of electoral perfidy that was country-wide in April 2007 and was universally acknowledged. I learnt that the AC wrote an enclosing letter to the police on May 9th 2008 and the letter was hand-delivered and stamped, as an acknowledgment, in the IG’s office. Why had the police not proven the dubiety of that report earlier but waited till Oyinlola failed in his bid to frustrate Aregbesola at the Appeal Tribunal before they started their sick game? Do they know about the letter from AC which they stamped on?
These may assist Nigerians to understand the nature of the police we have in the country and the type of people who occupy government positions. I am of the deep suspicion that the denial of the police of owning the report must have followed a deeply orchestrated plot to bury the hard facts surrounding that report since the police can even deny their name in any given circumstance, especially if it involves doing dirty businesses for the PDP.
How well they answer the posers I raised above and the man y others being raised by Nigerians presently will absolve them of complicity in a dirty trick to pervert justice once again in Osun State but Nigerians will never be fooled, not by the police and the PDP they know very well.While the police, the PDP and Oyinlola answer these posers, we must not allow them to achieve their primary target in the present plot, which inexorably point to distracting Aregbesola’s long and winding quest for justice in the electoral infamy that happened in Osun in 2007.
We should not forget that the main issue remains Oyinlola proving to the tribunal and the entire world how he secured some outlandish votes with which he took away the mandate of Osun people in April 2007. The big quest before Oyinlola now is to prove that most of the results with which he carted away the Osun governorship are not forged. I will mention just ten polling booths in the Osun governorship election to buttress the kind of harvest or forged votes with which Oyinlola wangled himself to power in April 2007.
In AKODI OBALUFON II (OS1107-008) polling unit, the number of votes recorded on EC8A (EXHIBIT 118) is 1813; (AC-55, PDP-1749).
In AKODI AKUI (OS1108-002) polling unit, the number of votes recorded on EC8A (EXHIBIT 118) is 1399; (AC-42, PDP-1352).
In BESIDE TOTAL FILLING STATION-(OS1111-009) Polling unit, the number of votes recorded on EC8A (EXHIBIT 89) is 1300 (AC, 42 PDP, 1074).
In OPEN SPACE EBENEZER STREET (OS1106-013) polling unit, the number of votes recorded on EC8A (EXHIBIT 118) is 1258; (AC-5, PDP-1251).
In O.A.U. QUARTERS, 2ND BUS STOP (OS1105-007) polling unit, the number of votes recorded on EC8A (EXHIBIT 118) is 972; (AC-0, PDP-972).
In FAJUYI HALL O.A.U (OS1105-004) polling unit, the number of votes recorded on EC8A (EXHIBIT 118) is 1291; (AC-4, PDP-1281).
In O.A.U. STAFF QUARTERS (OS1101-005) polling unit, the number of votes recorded on EC8A (EXHIBIT 118) is 2371; (AC-107, PDP-2264).
In AWOLOWO HALL O.A.U (OS1105-005) polling unit, the number of votes recorded on EC8A (EXHIBIT 118) is 2300; (AC-2, PDP-2292).
In BAPTIST PRY. SCHOOL, COLLEGE ROAD (OS1104-013) polling unit, the number of votes recorded on EC8A (EXHIBIT 118) is 1614; (AC-54, PDP-1560).·
In TEMIDIRE PRY.CHOOL, IBODI (OS0204-002) polling unit, the number of votes recorded on EC8A (EXHIBIT 111) is 961; (AC-44, PDP-911).
These are results tendered in court by INEC and these form the basis of claim Oyinlola provided at the tribunal. If we attempt to do a time analysis of these ten booths, to determine the possible maximum time it took to obtain these votes in each of the polling booths, we would get a clearer picture of what happened in Osun in April 2007.
If we agree that it takes a minimum of three minutes for an average voter to identify his name in the register, get accredited and vote, as INEC admitted under cross examination at the first tribunal in Osun, we would be shocked that it will take these lengths of time to obtain the votes in these ten polling booths.
We would obtain the actual time by multiplying the number of votes recorded for each by 3 minutes and then dividing the obtained result with 60 minutes. If we do this, it will take 90.7 hours to cast the 1, 813 votes recorded in Akodi Obalufon II Booth, while it will take 70 hours to record the 1,352 votes recorded by INEC in Akodi Akui Booth.
It will take 65 hours to record the 1,074 votes recorded in Besides Total Filling Station booth, while it will take 62.9 hours bto record the 1,258 votes INEC recorded for Open Space, Ebenezer Street Booth.If every voter spends a maximum of three minutes to vote, it will take the 972 votes recorded in OAU Quarters, Second Gate Booth some 48.6 hours to cast their votes while the 1,291 votes recorded for Fajuyi Hall, OAU Booth some 64.6 hours to vote.
The 2,371 voters that were recorded in the INEC result sheet at OAU Staff Quarters will cast their votes in 118.3 hours while the 2.300 voters that were recorded to have voted in Awolowo Hall, OAU Booth will take 115 hours to cast their votes, using the three minutes per voter time frame. It will take 80.7 hours for the 1,614 voters recorded for Baptist Primary School, College Road Booth to cast the votes recorded for the booth, while it will take 48.1 hours for the 961 voters recorded in Temidire Primary School, Ibodi Booth to cast the votes that were recorded for that booth. I have randomly chosen just these ten booths to illustrate the kind of bazaar INEC awarded Oyinlola in April 2007.
I make bold to say that the least votes recorded in this instance is impossible by any Nigerian voting standard and with the kind of clumsy voting pattern we had in 2007. Proving this is a task that awaits Oyinlola at the tribunal and this is the real task he is trying his possible best to evade. In this, I suspect he is in cahoots with the police, with his PDP providing every criminal cover.
The persecution of Aregbesola is just one tactics with which they hope to evade the question of how they came about the cooked up votes with which they are raiding Osun at present and I hope the members of the new tribunal are taking good note of these absurd cases of manipulation. Let Oyinlola, the PDP and the police answer my questions above and those of other Nigerians who understand the kind of game that erupted in Osun since after the Appeal tribunal perforated their well-hatched plot to pervert justice in the Osun gubernatorial race. That is the main issue at play and the funny theatrics of forged police report is merely a means to that end.
Peter Claver Oparah