Alternatives To Restructuring—4: Other Options For New South ~ By Chinweizu
It is certain that the 2019 elections will produce a Fulani president. Buhari is the incumbent and certain to be the APC candidate. Atiku is the PDP candidate. So, we are sure that a Fulani will be sworn in as president in 2019. What does that portend for restructuring?
Buhari is sworn not to do any restructuring; and no matter how seriously Atiku promises to do restructuring, it is just election promises to help him lure votes from those who want restructuring; he will not do it, if elected.
You can, therefore, bet your last naira on it that you will not get restructuring through the 2019 elections or any other election. Why? Because the Fulani sarkuna, who rule Nigeria, will never agree to it. Nigeria as presently structured under the 1999 Constitution is just fine for Fulani domination.
Any restructuring will affect their power adversely. As they say: A person with four aces doesn’t ask for a new deal. And the Fulani, in the existing structure, have four aces. (Please see Appendix 1: “Restructuring and its feasibility.”)
So what alternatives to restructuring are there for those Nigerians who are clamoring for it? Of course, the only alternatives are (a) for Nigerians to submit to perpetual Fulani domination or (b) for Nigeria to break up. But the Nigerian elites, who benefit from the miseries of their people are opposed to a breaking up. Why?
It is possible that some significant proportion of the elites of the South and Middle Belt are ambivalent or even opposed to leaving Nigeria because they believe that the masses of their people need Nigeria to prosper. Let’s therefore examine that proposition.
Some Igbos have long believed that Igbos cannot survive economically, let alone prosper, without spreading out into the rest of Nigeria in search of jobs and business opportunities. Those who think like that tend to scoff at the idea of an Ala-Igbo Republic.
Likewise some Yorubas seem to think that Yorubaland will cease to prosper if Lagos loses its Nigeria hinterland market for the industries and ports that have made Lagos economically viable. Those who think this way see little to recommend the Oodua Republic that some are advocating.
Such economistic thinking is fallacious and is usually grounded in an obsolete 19th century geo-strategic framework.
In examining the economic prospects for Nigerians, these positions need to take into account the ongoing Fulani Lebenesraum (Living space) Jihad, with its widespread killings.
There’s a saying that, if it has nobody to advice it, the green bottle fly feeding inside the corpse won’t exit the nose of the corpse until the grave diggers shovel earth and bury the fly with the corpse. For us to avoid the fate of the green bottle fly,
- Let’s first consider this question of a hinterland market
Some argue that Oodua Republic needs Nigeria as hinterland market for its industries to prosper.
Is a hinterland market necessary for industrialization?
Where is the hinterland market of Israel, Singapore, South Korea or North Korea? Each of these countries industrialized by marketing to the whole world outside its hinterland. Israel didn’t ever try to market to its Arab hinterland with which it has been at war from the day Israel was founded. Singapore didn’t try to market to its hostile Malaysian hinterland or to its hostile Indonesian neighbor even though it had been the entrepôt for both during the British days. South Korea and North Korea have no hinterlands at all. So there!
Likewise, Oodua Republic, Ala-Igbo Republic, Efik Republic, Ijaw Republic, Ogoni Republic, Edo Republic, Middle Belt Republic etc. can each industrialize and export to the whole world. But they must first escape the political shackles tying their constituent states down economically in the prison that’s the Caliphate’s Nigeria. (Please see the Appendix 2: “The constitutional shackles on development by the states in Nigeria”)
Can Igbos prosper if concentrated in Igboland? Igbos in Nigeria can all return and prosper inside Ala Igbo provided they industrialize it in the manner indicated above.
Let’s factor in the ongoing Fulani Lebensraum Jihad.
The declared aim of the Fulani Lebensraum Jihad is to kill off or expel the indigenous peoples of the Middle Belt and South and import Fulanis from all over West Africa to settle on their lands all the way down to the coast: to Lagos, Forcados, Port Harcourt and Calabar.
So declared the Fulani Nationality Movement in its January 2018 (FUNAM) MEDIA RELEASE .
And in July 2018, the Buhari Presidency declared that our choice is to give our land for Fulani “Cattle colonies” or die.
Despite these deadly threats to their lives, it seems that many Nigerians, just like the Ubakandu type among the Igbos, forget the simple fact that life has precedence over wealth. And they continue to cling to Nigeria for the wealth they get in it.
There is a saying that one has to be alive to take part in the masquerade. Those who have been exterminated can’t have economic options. Those who have been expelled from their land have no territory on which to put industries.
So, isn’t the first task to survive physically, to secure your land and population before you can choose between economic options? Isn’t the first and foremost task, therefore, to extract your territory from Nigeria and leave Nigeria’s Shariyaland rump to the Fulani and their Caliphate?
There is a proposed fantasy of creating “a cultural and political platform that will unite all Niger-Kongo ethnolinguistic groups known as Original Africans in Southbelt and Middebelt to takeover Nigeria from Fulani and British control.”
Why would we want to take over this peculiar mess that is Lugard’s Anglo-Fulani Nigeria? Why would the inmates and victims of a prison want to take it over and stay in it instead of making a clean jailbreak? How many decades will it take to unite these peoples and then take over Nigeria?
Such fantasies don’t recognize that there are time frames and deadlines for accomplishing tasks, and that you must hurry and escape alive from the Fulani genocide juggernaut before you can have time to build this proposed platform.
All this is just an introduction to the economic and security arguments for leaving Nigeria. Once we stop thinking inside the One Nigeria mental box that serves the interests of the British companies located in Nigeria; and once we start thinking innovatively about our own interests, we shall see that neither the South nor the Middle Belt peoples have any economic need to remain trapped inside Nigeria.
That’s because their prospects for economic prosperity are far brighter outside than inside the Anglo-Fulani prison that is Nigeria.
In focusing on prosperity, we might forget that their physical survival is the greatest benefit that can be conferred on the Yoruba, Igbo, Edo, Ijaw, Tiv, Gwari, Chibok, Bachama, Langtang, Birom, Jukun, Zuru and other South and MB masses.
We should remind ourselves that the Fulani genocide juggernaut is an even greater, and I think unanswerable, argument for their all banding together to exit by yesterday the Nigeria prison and slaughterhouse.
Our options boil down to these two:
(a) Should we chain ourselves in our cells in the Nigeria prison, and fight over crumbs from the table of our Fulani masters, even as they organize to exterminate us; or,
(b) should we band together and break out of the Fulani prison and, in political autonomy, industrialize our lands and bring prosperity to our peoples? Every Nigerian from the South and Middle Belt should ask himself or herself: Which do I prefer?
Restructuring and its feasibility 4
The constitutional shackles on development by the states in Nigeria